The difference in the nature of control can be compared with instances of faujdars who had effective military control over their territories.
The military significance of Lakhi Jangal has already been pointed out, as also the importance of some of its faujdars.
The Mughal state, in brief, is perceived as a systematically centralized one, both theoretically and in reality. Amidst this critque of the state of historiography, Perlin argues that context has been sacrificed to ‘a dubious focus on inner workings, logics and principle’, and that, ‘a particular document tends therefore to be read as a representation of a greater system at work rather than as marks of time-and-place sited events which initially need to be set within local historical and structural contexts before being used for comparision and explanation’, p. This work emphasizes the socio-political changes that were taking place within the Mughal imperial system and which combined with other factors to constitute the ‘processes of regional restructuring’. Chapters I and II deal at length with these questions.
It is seen as one that had acquired the power to enforce uniformity of government in all parts of the empire and was sustained by its ability to appropriate a large portion of the economic surplus generated within its frontiers. Among these changes by way of example were the emergence of the ‘, too, aspired to a permanent holding so that he could build his own base in the region’. system represented one facet of the extreme degree of systematization and centralization reached in the Mughal empire.
The qiladar of Kangra fort is referred to due to the prominence of the fort, and the importance that had been attached to its capture during the reign of Jahangir.
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Another place where reference is made to the appointment of a qiladar is Attock, which was a kind of frontier post for the Mughals and a strict vigilance was kept on people crossing the river at this place.
On the other hand the qiladars of Kangra held mansabs as follows: Alf Khan Qiyamkhani 1620–21 1500/1000 Safi Khan 1656–57 2000/1000 Raja Mandhata 1670–71 1000/1000 See , vol. We learn about the existence of the faujdaris of Bhera and Khushab, Nurmahal and Sultanpur from other contemporary sources. This appears to be a very large area and included both Sialkot and Eminabad, which are also mentioned in some cases as being separate faujdaris. The association of the diwan with a faujdari in this region may also, perhaps, be seen in the light of the fact that this faujdari area's revenue was probably allocated to the maintanance of the Kabul soldiery. thesis, ‘Socio-Economic Conditions in Panjab During the 17th Century’.
There must have been numerous other faujdaris in Panjab that came into existence or were abolished during the course of the 17th century., vol. In this case, however, they seem to have been combined in order to constitute one single faujdari. This was the case at least in the early years of Bahadur Shah's reign. In brief may be mentioned here the mansab holding of some of the faujdaris of Sirhind.
With the advent of the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century, new alliances--most notably Akbar's with the Kacchvaha royal clan of Amer--led to the development of a joint Mughal-Rajput court culture and religio-political idiom in which Vaishnava bhakti institutional forms became key symbols of power and deportment, and thus bhakti communities became beneficiaries of extensive patronage.
Through a study of the life and works of the important but little-known bhakti poet-saint Agradas, this thesis offers insight into how these bhakti communities competed for patronage and followers.